Has America Come To This? they ask..........
Has America Come To This? A question which is oft times raised about the current Administration's policies and practices with regard to:
Mexican, Honduran, El Salvadorian, Guatemalan etc children, women and men who are resident in the U.S.A., or who wish to be granted asylum under international law;
and about such persons who are in detention camps;
and about the thousands of women, children and men who have been deported by President Trump and his predecessor, President Obama.
Has America Come To This? NO we have always been like this.
Please see the article below this picture.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mexican, Honduran, El Salvadorian, Guatemalan etc children, women and men who are resident in the U.S.A., or who wish to be granted asylum under international law;
and about such persons who are in detention camps;
and about the thousands of women, children and men who have been deported by President Trump and his predecessor, President Obama.
Has America Come To This? NO we have always been like this.
Please see the article below this picture.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Olvera Street is a Los Angeles
icon—a thriving Mexican market filled with colorful souvenirs, restaurants and
remnants of the oldest buildings in Los Angeles. But though the bright tourist
destination teems with visitors, few realize it was once the site of a
terrifying raid.
In 1931, police officers grabbed
Mexican-Americans in the area, many of them U.S. citizens, and shoved them into
waiting vans. Immigration agents blocked exits and arrested around 400 people,
who were then deported to Mexico, regardless of their citizenship or
immigration status.
The raid was just one incident in a
long history of discrimination against Latino people in the United States.
Since the 1840s, anti-Latino prejudice has led to illegal deportations, school
segregation and even lynching—often-forgotten events that echo the civil-rights
violations of African-Americans in the Jim Crow-era South.
The story of Latino-American
discrimination largely begins in 1848, when the United States won the Mexican-American War. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which marked the war’s
end, granted 55 percent of Mexican territory to the United States. With that
land came new citizens. The Mexicans who decided to stay in what was now U.S.
territory were granted citizenship and the country gained a considerable
Mexican-American population.
As the 19th century wore on,
political events in Mexico made emigration to the United States popular. This
was welcome news to American employers like the Southern Pacific Railroad,
which desperately needed cheap labor to help build new tracks. The railroad and
other companies flouted existing immigration laws that banned importing
contracted labor and sent recruiters into Mexico to convince Mexicans to
emigrate.
Anti-Latino sentiment grew along
with immigration. Latinos were barred entry into Anglo establishments and
segregated into urban barrios in poor areas. Though Latinos were critical to
the U.S. economy and often were American citizens, everything from their
language to the color of their skin to their countries of origin could be used
as a pretext for discrimination. Anglo-Americans treated them as a foreign
underclass and perpetuated stereotypes that those who spoke Spanish were lazy,
stupid and undeserving. In some cases, that prejudice turned fatal.
According to historians William D.
Carrigan and Clive Webb, mob violence against Spanish-speaking people was
common in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. They estimate that the number
of Latinos killed by mobs reach well into the thousands, though definitive
documentation only exists for 547 cases.
The violence began during California’s Gold Rush just after California became part of the United States.
At the time, white miners begrudged former Mexicans a share of the wealth
yielded by Californian mines—and sometimes enacted vigilante justice. In 1851,
for example, a mob of vigilantes accused Josefa Segovia of murdering a white
man. After a fake trial, they marched her through the streets and lynched her.
Over 2,000 men gathered to watch, shouting racial slurs. Others were attacked
on suspicion of fraternizing with white women or insulting white people.
Even children became the victims of
this violence. In 1911, a mob of over 100 people hanged a 14-year-old boy,
Antonio Gómez, after he was arrested for murder. Rather than let him serve time
in jail, townspeople lynched him and dragged his body through the streets of
Thorndale, Texas.
These and other horrific acts of
cruelty lasted until the 1920s, when the Mexican government began pressuring
the United States to stop the violence. But though mob brutality eventually
quelled, hatred of Spanish-speaking Americans did not.
In the late 1920s, anti-Mexican
sentiment spiked as the Great Depression began. As the stock market tanked and unemployment
grew, Anglo-Americans accused Mexicans and other foreigners of stealing
American jobs. Mexican-Americans were discouraged and even forbidden from
accepting charitable aid.
As fears about jobs and the economy
spread, the United States forcibly removed up to 2 million people of Mexican
descent from the country—up to 60 percent of whom were American citizens.
Euphemistically referred to as
“repatriations,” the removals were anything but voluntary. Sometimes, private
employers drove their employees to the border and kicked them out. In other
cases, local governments cut off relief, raided gathering places or offered
free train fare to Mexico. Colorado even ordered all of its “Mexicans”—in
reality, anyone who spoke Spanish or seemed to be of Latin descent—to leave the
state in 1936 and blockaded its southern border to keep people from leaving.
Though no formal decree was ever issued by immigration authorities, INS
officials deported about 82,000 people during the period.
The impact on Spanish-speaking
communities was devastating. Some light-skinned Mexican-Americans attempted to
pass themselves off as Spanish, not Mexican, in an attempt to evade
enforcement. People with disabilities and active illnesses were removed from
hospitals and dumped at the border. As one victim of “repatriation” told
Raymond Rodriguez, who wrote a history of the period, Decade of Betrayal, “They might as well have sent us to Mars.”
Others, like Rodriguez’s father, did
not wait for raids or enforcement and returned to Mexico independently to
escape discrimination and the fear of removal. His wife refused to accompany
him and the family never saw him again.
When deportations finally ended
around 1936, up to 2 million Mexican-Americans had been “repatriated.” (Because
many of the repatriation attempts were informal or conducted by private
companies, it is nearly impossible to quantify the exact number of people who
were deported.) Around one third of Los Angeles’ Mexican population left the
country, as did a third of Texas’ Mexican-born population. Though both the
state of California and the city of Los Angeles apologized for repatriation in
the early 2000s, the deportations have largely faded from public memory.
Comments
Post a Comment